Konuk Yazar, 6 Aðustos 2003 Pembe Mentesh | ||||||||||||||||||
Peace movements and the media A comparative analysis of case studies from Cyprus and the former Yugoslavia The peace
movements in (and for) the former Yugoslavia and Cyprus are interesting examples
of how movements are born and evolve out of various concepts of identity. The
impact of the media on these movements can be examined based on the relationship
between social movements and models of power. The use of mainstream,
alternative, and social movement media will determine how effectively these
peace movements communicate their messages to the local and international
community, as well as how they will mobilise for collective action. In the
information age, peace movements are finding a voice and a tool for organising
within the boundless world of the Internet but the challenge is to use this
power for real political, social, and cultural change within the communities
they live in. The
splitting up of the former Yugoslavia into separate states in the early nineties
was characterised by extensive bloodshed, NATO bombing, and a continuous stream
of media propaganda on all parts. “The Croatian secessionists and the Bosnian
Muslims hired an American public relations firm, Ruder Finn, to advance their
causes by demonising the Serbs” (Johnstone, 1999). In Serbia, “…the media
role in mounting the nationalistic campaign became paramount” (Biserko, 1997).
The secessionists were in effect, adopting one of the media filters of Herman
and Chomsky’s Propaganda Model - Anticommunism as a control mechanism.
As an ideology, this helps those in power with creating enemies
out of those people or countries that go against so called western ideals and
politics. (Herman & Chomsky, 1988). In fact, it has been argued that the
defeat of communism opens up the world market to American capital and
enterprise. This economic globalisation process shifts power away from elected
governments (Johnstone, 1999). To
borrow from Michael Mann’s three models of power which determine movements’
relationship with the media (see Appendix 1 - Policy and media outcomes of
social protest by models of media-state relations) the pure elitism model where
the ruling elite controls the political and media agenda would have made it
difficult for peace movements at the time to communicate their messages. They
might have been silenced or marginalised by the state owned media. Since opting
for democracy three years ago, the Serbian Government still hasn’t developed
the media sector or reviewed media operations under the previous regime (Matic
et al, 2003). During the war, even those independent media who used to report
objectively, began to ignore the atrocities that were taking place in Bosnia
(Biserko, 1997). So even the so called liberalisation of the media or the
development of new independent media did not guarantee the war, or the peace
movements against it would be granted the coverage necessary at the time. As
a result of these power dynamics and with the lack of common aims for the
various peace movements in the former Yugoslavia it is difficult to envisage how
they might begin to effect change in their new societies. “The Serbian peace
movement’s goal has been to stop all the killing. The other peace movements
have focused on stopping Serbian atrocities by whatever means they can” (www.notfrisco.com).
Add to this the inconsistency of external peace movements, and the situation in
the former Yugoslavia worsens. In an open letter to global peace movements in
1994, the former Yugoslav peace groups announced, “Our common stand is that
mass actions of visiting these territories…are ineffective and a waste of
energy. During a short period, a large number of participants can’t
really…articulate any political message except general opposition to war” (www.wri-irg.org). The
construction of identity proposed by Manuel Castells could be used as a basis
for understanding the different ways in which peace movements in the former
Yugoslavia were (and are) framed. The Serbian majority could be characterised
with a “legitimising identity” where the dominant institutions justify their
authority and domination. This also fits in with the idea of nationalism
(Castells, 1997: 8). The secessionists could be seen to have “project
identities” (evolving out of “resistance identities”) in that they aim to
build a “new identity that redefines their position in society…and seek the
transformation of overall social structure” (Castells, 1997: 8). Serbian
nationalism is no different from the nationalism in the various states that
define themselves according to religion and ethnicity (eg. Muslims in Bosnia and
Albanians in Kosovo). They are just cultural rather that political. In this
sense, they are in “defense of an already institutionalised culture than
toward the construction or defense of a state. When new political institutions
are created…they are defensive trenches of identity, rather than launching
platforms of political sovereignty.” Furthermore, “cultural nationalism is
concerned with the distinctiveness of the cultural community as the essence of a
nation” (Castells, 1997: 31). In
pushing the agendas of their individual identities, it would be easy to make a
generalisation that the peace movements in the former Yugoslavia are suffering
as a result. This lack of cohesion based on cultural/religious differences would
certainly have an impact on the extent to which these movements can achieve
their aims. But apart from that, they are also suffering from a serious lack of
resources and funding for the development and distribution of social movement
and alternative media. The financial burden created by the war in the former
Yugoslavia has made it difficult for peace movement groups to carry out their
work, especially within the realm of independent media. In sourcing
international NGO or foreign government funding, “the champions of independent
media need to keep exaggerating the perils of their situation in order to
attract ongoing financial backing from the West” (Johnstone, 1999).
This could open the door for subliminal uses of the filters mentioned by
Herman and Chomsky above, within the alternative media, by the West. In many of
the new states, secessionist movements and ethnic guerilla armies would also
contribute to making the work of the peace movements difficult. At
present, the Serbian Government is trying to introduce a parliamentary amendment
for the establishment of a state news agency, despite public opinion against
this (Matic et al, 2003). As the democratization of the media in the former
Yugoslavia occurs, scant resources are being used to establish or continue
existing alternative media sources. Some examples include:
·
Press Now
– A web portal for independent media in former the Yugoslavia (Bosnia,
Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, Slovenia, and Vojvodina) ·
AIM
(Alternative Information network) – A network of independent journalists in
the former Yugoslavia who provide information in local languages and English.
Although supported by the council of Europe and various foreign governments,
they are currently facing an economic crisis and may cease to exist) ·
Medienhilfe
– Founded in 1992, this Swiss NGO aims to support the independent media and
freedom of press in the former Yugoslavia. ·
Balkan Media
& policy Monitor – A bi-monthly publication sponsored by NGO’s in The
Netherlands. ·
An
Independent Serbian language newspaper in Kosovo – This is a project of the
Cambridge foundation for Peace to serve the needs of the Serbian minority in
Kosovo. In contrast,
the peace movements in Cyprus that are striving for re-unification are framed
according to identity based on nation, regardless of ethnicity or religion.
Their role is to challenge the political hegemony that tends to ignore the
public, revive collective identity, and demonstrate the need for peaceful
co-existence if Cyprus as a whole, is to become a legitimate member of the international community in the lead up to EU
accession. The Republic of Cyprus in the south will enter the EU north in May
2004 with or without their Turkish Cypriot counter parts. This has
given the dormant peace movements on both sides of the UN green line an
opportunity to mobilise for re-unification, peaceful co-existence and
demilitarisation. A highlight within Technology for Peace (a web portal for
peace movement groups) is the “Citizens Movement for Re-unification and
Co-existence”. For the first time
since the Greek and Turkish Cypriots were divided, this movement raises
awareness amongst the Greek Cypriot population of the struggle faced by their
compatriots in the North. It recognizes that Turkish Cypriots have not been
adequately supported by Greek Cypriots and that
“there exists a great need for a dynamic, effective and visible
citizens movement for re-unification and co-existence within the Greek Cypriot
and Turkish Cypriot community in Cyprus and abroad” (www.tech4peace.org). The
“Citizens Movement for Re-unification and Co-existence” mobilised with other
groups to hold demonstrations on key dates when the two leaders were meeting as
part of the UN peace talks. This marks a turning point in Greek Cypriot and
Turkish Cypriot relations, with one side acknowledging the isolation, poverty
and marginalisation of the other. Hands Across
the Divide, a women’s peace movement, on both sides of Cyprus engage in
parallel collective action where joint or bi-communal action is deemed
impossible due to the partition lines. For example, demonstrations were held on
each side of the island during key dates for the UN peace talks. Women on both
sides with candles, released white doves and white balloons as a form of
symbolic action. They carried placards with the same message in Greek, English
and Turkish. To apply
Michael Mann’s models of power to the relationship between peace movements in
Cyprus and the media (see Appendix 1 - Policy and media outcomes of social
protest by models of media-state relations) you could say that it is a mixture
of pure elitism and institutional elitism. On the one hand, peace movements can
exist but are treated with indifference in the mainstream media if they are
mentioned at all. On the other hand, a policy agenda of repression seeks to
marginalise or even eradicate these movements and their media by framing them as
traitors. For example, the alternative daily “Avrupa” (now reborn as
“Afrika”) was forced to close down in 2002 after a year of victimisation by
the authorities, including raids, fines and “anonymous” death threats. The
editor and another journalist were jailed for six months for “possibly
upsetting the president in his conduct of his duties” (www.rsf.org).
The organizational aims of Afrika correspond to the aims of the peace movements.
In listing their demands they declare them as the demands of the Turkish Cypriot
people whilst denouncing the negotiations being made by the Turkish Cypriot
government on their behalf. We will see later how the strength of the peace
movements in Cyprus has facilitated mobilisation around the issues of press
freedom – an important issue for all social movements. As new social movements, the peace movements in Cyprus
are defined by their desire for cultural change. They cut across the fabric of
Cypriot society and have as their members people who share a common aim
regardless of class, gender or ethnicity. “They champion the interests of
those who experience social, political and cultural oppression, whatever their
economic circumstances” (Burgmann, 1993:5). The concept
of peace in Cyprus is shaped by the peace movements’ aim for recognition of
the cultural ideals of its members. Without this, the prospects of a solution
are diminished. “A social movement is at once a social conflict and a cultural
project. This is as true of dominant movements as it is of dominated movements.
The goal of a social movement is always the realisation of cultural values as
well as victory over a social adversary” (Touraine, 1995:240). So in this
sense, when groups such as the “Citizens Movement for Re-unification and
Co-existence” call upon the leaders to agree on a political solution, they are
also contributing to the “development and propagation of the culture and
principles of understanding and co-existence between people irrespective of
their ethnic origin, religion, gender…”(www.tech4peace.org).
This aligns with Touraine’s idea that new social movements defend the identity
and dignity of those who experience oppression (Touraine, 1995:247). It also
corresponds with Castells’ concept of cultural nationalism which aims to
“regenerate the national community by creating, preserving, or strengthening a
people’s cultural identity when it is felt to be lacking or threatened
(Castells, 1997: 31). For Cypriots, reunification is not just about EU
membership. It is about the desire of the people to roam free in their own
country, to live without the fear of military attack, and to participate in a
legitimate nation. For Turkish Cypriots living in a self proclaimed republic,
recognised only by Turkey, possible annexation to Turkey (by Turkey) is seen as
a further violation of their freedom and takes them even further away from the
country to which they belong. These ideals
are also favoured by the peace movements in the former Yugoslavia, although
collective identity, participation in the European and world economy, as well as
the desire to live in a peaceful (demilitarised) society are obviously seen as a
natural progression after de-unification, or breaking away from the nation
state. The project
identities of the peace movement in the former Yugoslavia, can also be applied
to the peace movements in Cyprus in that they are both building new identities
and seeking changes in the social structure (Castells, 1997: 8). The use of media by peace movements in Cyprus differs in
a number of ways to the use of the media by peace movements in the former
Yugoslavia. Firstly, the
financial difficulties being faced by the independent/alternative media are not
as severe in Cyprus as they are in the former Yugoslavia. The war, which
resulted in the partition of Cyprus into north and south, occurred in 1974 and
although in the north there is poverty and disadvantage resulting from the
Turkish Cypriot isolation, the unions and social movements have picked up and
have been organising for years. The war in the former Yugoslavia which divided
the nation occurred more than a decade ago but it is still fresh in the minds of
the people and in some states the media (especially independent) and other
sectors are finding it difficult to stay afloat. Both countries receive
financial aid from foreign NGO’s and governments. Media projects in the former
Yugoslavia were mentioned above. In Cyprus, apart from those already mentioned,
others include: ·
CyprusMediaNet
– a portal for alternative news sources in Greek, Turkish and English
sponsored by the Cambridge Foundation for Peace. ·
Hamamboculeri
– a Turkish web-based magazine supported by the Pennsylvania University,
Science and Technology Wing. Secondly,
the cultural unity and common aims of the Cypriot peace movement’s have paved
the way for an extensive range of internet based resources and web portals that
form the foundation for collective action. Most of these web portals have media
sections with up-to-date independent reports as well as news or links to
alternative media stories in support of the peace movements’ aims. Examples
include www.tech4peace.org and www.lobbyforcyprus.org.
In the former Yugoslavia the different aims of the various states has inhibited
the proliferation of peace movement specific internet expansion as well as
social movement specific media. Finally,
radical journalists who also act as prolific peace movement activists in Cyprus,
serve to further the aims of both. For example, when radical journalists and
unionists were sued for participating in a strike in support of a journalist who
was jailed, parallel collective action took place with demonstrations on both
sides of the border. As a form of symbolic action, the radical journalists and
other members of peace movements “closed their mouths with black tape to
protest the repression of the regime in the north” (Uludag, 2003). Greek
Cypriot trade unions and members of the Cyprus Journalists Union sent
representatives to the border in support of the protest action. This is an
example of effective mobilisation, which would not have been possible without
the existing communication networks developed by the peace movement. Examples of
similar events in the former Yugoslavia, where peace movement aims differ from
state to state, have been difficult to find. In countries
where political hegemony influences the mainstream media (particularly state
owned media in former communist nations like Yugoslavia) social movements can
become marginalized within the media. This is why radical alternative media
emerge as a mechanism for the exchange of ideas counter to those represented in
the mainstream media. In this sense, they serve as agents for change (Downing,
2001: 44). These radical media organizations often reflect, in their
organizational structure and reporting style, those same social movement groups
they aim to give a voice to (Atton, 2002: 492). This creates a counter discourse
to the mainstream media in the same way that social movements are also counter
hegemonic. “Radical media may be characterised by their attempts to free
themselves from the power of government, the state and other dominant
institutions and practices” (Atton, 2002:495). Thus, alternative media are
pivotal to the achievement of the aims of social movements as we can see from
the examples above in the former Yugoslavia, and particularly in Cyprus. The use of
the Internet as a medium for alternative and radical media is becoming more and
more important in the Information Age. As a relatively inexpensive medium, it is
also free from government and corporate agendas which shape mainstream news. In
fact, “people who participate in posting and debating information on the
Internet occupy a discursive realm outside of mainstream media” (Downing,
2001:223). Most importantly, the use of Internet based alternative radical
media, and social movement media, as well as direct e-communication, can result
in effective collective action as seen in the Cyprus example. “By
providing…access to social interaction and organisational participation, the
internet facilitates the direct, non-mediated transformation of individual
attitudes into social actions, so that collective behaviour can be better kept
in pace…with the demands of individuals and the goals of very small-scale
microsocial groups” (Geser, 2001). So as the
democratisation of the mainstream media occurs (or doesn’t occur) in countries
such as Cyprus and the former Yugoslavia, marginalised peace movements can
further their aims through the use of radical alternative media. In an
information age, one of the most accessible communication mediums for social
movements is the Internet. Despite ethnic differences, peace movements in the
former Yugoslavia can emulate the solidarity of the movements in Cyprus to bring
peace to the region, and not just individual states. “It is in these back alleys of society, whether in alternative electronic networks or in grassroots networks of communal resistance, that I have sensed the embryos of a new society, laboured in the fields of history by the power of identity” (Castells, 1997: 362). References Ackerman, S (1999)
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(Michael Mann in Sampedro, 2000) copyleft (c) 2001-03 hamamboculeri.org
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